Chapter
3 is about security and welfare.
Walzer
posits socially
recognized needs.
“The social contract is an agreement to reach decisions together
about what goods are necessary to our common life, and then to
provide those goods to one another.” … “Communal provision is
both general and particular. It is general whenever public funds are
spent so as to benefit all or most of the members without any
distribution to individuals. It is particular whenever goods are
actually handed over to all or any of the members. Water, for
example, is one of ‘the bare requirements of civil life,’ and the
building of reservoirs is a form of general provision” (65-6).
“People
don’t just have needs, they have ideas about their need; they have
priorities, they have degrees of need; and these priorities and
degrees are related not only to their human nature but also tot their
history and culture. Since resources are always scarce, hard choices
have to be made. I suspect these can only be political choices. They
are subject to philosophical elucidation, but the idea of need and
commitment to communal provision do not by themselves yield any clear
determination of priorities or degrees” (66).
There
has never been a political community that did not engage its
collective strength – its capacity to direct, regulate, pressure
and coerce – in providing needs of its members. The modes of
organization, the levels of taxation, the timing and reach of
conscription: these have always been a focus of political
controversy. The building of fortresses, dams, and irrigation,
armies, the securing of food supply and trade generally all require
coercion. The state, with its agents, is the tool of coercion.
Communal provision is always mediated by politicians, priests,
soldiers, and bureaucrats who introduce distortions into the process,
siphoning off money and labor for their own purposes or using
provision as a form of control (68).
Walzer
follows with sections about Athens, Greece in the 4th
and 5th
centuries, B.C. and a medieval Jewish community.
“Surely
the price of social survival includes state expenditures for military
security, say, and public health, and education. Socially recognized
needs are the first charge against the social product; there is no
real surplus until they have been met. What the surplus finances is
the production and exchange of commodities outside the sphere of
need. Men and women who appropriate vast sums of money for
themselves, while needs are still unmet, act like tyrants, dominating
and distorting the distribution of security and welfare” (75-6).
“Distributive
justice in the sphere of welfare and security has a twofold meaning:
it refers, first to the recognition of need and, second, to the
recognition of membership” (78).
He
criticizes John Rawls’ hypothetical “original position” and
“difference principle” (79). They don’t much help in
determining what choices people will make or should make when they
know their particular circumstances. Also, what are “fair shares”
of things like justice, tranquility, defense, and liberty? The ideas are
also vague.
Next
Prevoius
Next
Prevoius
No comments:
Post a Comment